华尔街巨大的世界贸易中心的倒塌，以及华尔街巨型金融机构的崩溃，鲜明地呈现出关于伊斯兰的两种形象：一种令人恐惧、带有威胁；另一种则焕发着生机与繁荣。2001年9月11日，恐怖袭击摧毁了世界贸易中心，使人们很难展现伊斯兰关于世界的真实观点。尽管政治家、哲学家和思想家一再呼吁区分作为宗教的伊斯兰与发动袭击的人，伊斯兰形象的扭曲仍然相当严重。在反恐战争升级七年之后，华尔街金融市场崩溃了，但这一次，制造灾难的是经济学家，他们来自体制内部，而且并非穆斯林。结果，公众陷入了两种观点、两种形象之中：一种把伊斯兰描绘成威胁，另一种把它描绘成益处。本书这一部分正是针对这一困境。本部分无意详尽讨论恐怖主义问题，该问题将在另一部著作中论述，这里只在本书的范围和限度之内加以探讨。

The collapse of the Wall Street’s giant world trade center and the collapse of Wall Street’s giant financial institutions spectacularly raise two images of Islam: An image that spreads fear and carries threat; and an image that shines with life and prosperity. The terrorist attacks which demolished the world trade center on 9/11/2001 have made it very difficult to portray the true Islamic view of the world. Despite the repeated calls by politicians, philosophers, and thinkers to distinguish between Islam as a religion and those who carry the attacks, the distortion of the image of Islam was quite significant. Seven years after heightening the war on terrorism, wall street financial market collapsed, but this time the terrorists were economists and were from within the system, and were not Muslims. As a result, the public is stuck with two views and two images; one portrays Islam as a threat and the other one as a benefit. This part of the book addresses this dilemma. It is not the intention of this part to discuss the issue of terrorism at length; this will be dealt with in another publication. It will only be discussed within the limits and the scope of this book.

在恐怖主义问题被广泛讨论的当下,许多人依然在伊斯兰教作为一种全球性宗教与恐怖主义行径之间划出明确界限。有了这样的区分和清晰的认识,对伊斯兰教日益兴起的趋势本不应存在严重的恐惧。然而,前国防部长唐纳德·拉姆斯菲尔德并不持这种看法。他在一次评论中将伊斯兰政治体制的兴起描绘为对整个西方的威胁,这一点见于《纽约时报》2005年12月12日刊发的一篇文章,标题为“21世纪的警告:威胁源于7世纪”。158 在这篇文章中,布米勒(Bumiller)展示了大量高级政治人物如何将伊斯兰教视为对西方文明和民主的威胁。韦恩·科平(Wayne Kopping)借激进主义、原教旨主义和恐怖主义这一议题,于2006年制作了影片《执念——激进伊斯兰的威胁》(“Obsession—The Threat of Radical Islam”)。159 这部电影的目的在于警示激进伊斯兰所可能构成的种种威胁。

When the issue of terrorism is widely debated, many people continue to draw a hard line between Islam as a global religion and the acts of terrorism. With this type of distinction and clarity, there should not be a serious fear from the rising trend of Islam. This view, however, was not the case with the former Defense secretary, Donald Rumsfeld. In one of his comments, he portrayed the rise of the Islamic political system as a threat to the west in general, as reported in an article published by The New York Times on December 12, 2005, under the title “21st-century Warnings of a Threat Rooted in 7th Century.”158 In this article, Bumiller shows how score of high level politicians view Islam as a threat to western civilization and democracy. Capitalizing on the issue of radicalism, fundamentalism, and terrorism, Wayne Kopping produced in 2006 the film “Obsession—The Threat of Radical Islam.”159 The purpose of the movie was to warn against the threats presumably posed by radical Islam.

反恐战争以及数量众多的媒体、博客、网页、电台脱口秀和出版物，在欧洲和美国的公众层面乃至官方层面，助长了一种可以称之为“伊斯兰恐惧症”的情绪。在法国，一项禁止穆斯林女性在公立学校佩戴伊斯兰头巾的决议获得通过。若干欧洲国家也曾考虑立法禁止穆斯林女性戴面纱。美国则通过了多项与安全相关的法律，包括种族定性、监听、窃听、《爱国者法案》以及其他法律，这些法律都或多或少地间接与穆斯林相关。

The war against terrorism and the myriad of media outlets, blogs, web pages, radio talk shows, and publication have helped create what amounts to an “Islamophobia” at the public as well as the official levels in Europe and the USA. In France, a resolution was passed against wearing Islamic head dress by Muslim women in public schools. Several European countries contemplated a law against Muslim women wearing the veil. The United States adopted several security related laws including profiling, spying, wire tapping, patriot law, and other laws, all of which have been indirectly related to Muslims.

这里的关键在于，一种明显的恐惧情绪笼罩了伊斯兰教的氛围及其发展前景。应对这一现象并非易事，尤其是当某些最恶劣袭击的实施者被查明为穆斯林时。恐怖主义本身是一种可怕的罪行，无论以何种方式都不能被纵容、接受或为其辩解。话虽如此，也必须明确：伊斯兰教作为一种宗教和全面的理念体系，并不是恐怖主义的根源或理由。恰恰相反，伊斯兰教作为一个全面的体系，能够在消除恐怖主义以及滋生恐怖主义的环境方面发挥决定性作用。

The point here is that a significant element of fear has clouded the atmosphere of Islam and its potential rise. Dealing with this phenomenon is not a simple task, especially when the identities of people who carry some of the worst attacks are revealed and found to be Muslims. Terrorism as such is a horrible crime; it cannot be condoned or accepted or justified in any way. This is said; it must also be clear that Islam as a religion and a comprehensive ideology is not the cause or reason behind terrorism. On the contrary, Islam, in its capacity as a comprehensive system, can play a decisive role in eliminating terrorism and the environment which breeds terrorism.

本书的论点始终是：伊斯兰作为一种意识形态，是一个整体系统。要使伊斯兰产生预期的成效，就需要在不止一个层面上加以实施。即便是经济和金融体系——它们已获得世界上多方的高度认可——若不与伊斯兰的社会、政治和伦理要素相结合，也不会带来稳定与繁荣。伊斯兰作为一个全面的体系，在伊斯兰世界并未被奉行或实施，这使得人们很难将全球社会的行为与伊斯兰联系起来，无论是在战争领域还是和平领域。伊斯兰在其最初兴起的前十三年中，并未涵盖其大部分的立法、规则和条例，这绝非偶然。事实上，所有直接涉及社会组织和社会行为的规则，都是在先知ﷺ生命的最后十年、伊斯兰国家建立之后才降示的。

The argument throughout this book has been that Islam as an ideology functions as a whole system. For Islam to produce the expected outcome, it needs to be implemented at more than one level. Even the economic and financial systems, which have received a great approval from several parties around the world, are not expected to provide the stability and prosperity unless coupled with the social, political, and ethical components of the ideology. The fact that Islam as a comprehensive system is not practiced or implemented in the Islamic world, makes it difficult to attach global societal behavior to Islam, whether in the fields of war or peace. It is not a coincident that Islam for the first thirteen years of its initial rise left out a great part of its legislation, rules, and regulations. In fact, all of the rules which are directly related to the organization of society and societal behavior were revealed during the last ten years of the life of the Prophet when a state for Islam was created.

除了宗教仪式和个人层面的伊斯兰教义之外,伊斯兰国家的实践层面在二十世纪及二十一世纪的第一个十年间已被取代。因此,在此前一千三百多年间繁荣兴盛的伊斯兰文明,被一种多种文明交织的混合体所取代。自1924年哈里发制度在伊斯坦布尔被废除以来,各种形式的民族主义,以及与之结合的各种资本主义和社会主义变体,主导了伊斯兰世界。这些文明的主导地位反映在生活的诸多方面,包括政府结构、经济体系、教育机构、生活方式以及国际关系。在横扫第三世界大多数国家的反殖民民族解放运动时期,这一点也表现得尤为明显。在二十世纪的大部分时间里,占主导地位的意识形态和文明都打上了民族社会主义运动的烙印,其代表有埃及的纳赛尔主义、巴勒斯坦民族运动、印巴地区的运动、印度尼西亚的运动、土耳其的民族主义运动等。

Except for the rituals and personal aspects of Islam, the practical aspects of the Islamic state were superseded throughout the twentieth century and the first decade of the twenty-first century. As a result, the civilization of Islam, which flourished for the previous thirteen hundreds years, was replaced by a mixture of civilizations. Since the caliphate was abolished in 1924 in Istanbul, various types of nationalism coupled with variations of capitalism and socialism dominated the world of Islam. The dominance of these civilizations was reflected in many aspects of life including the government structure, the economic system, the educational institutions, the lifestyle, and international relations. It was also remarkably visible during the era of anticolonial national liberation movements, which swept the majority of third world countries. For the majority of the twentieth century, the dominant ideologies and civilizations were stamped by national socialist movements, which characterized Egypt Nasirism, Palestinian national movements, Indo-Pakistani movements, Indonesian movements, Turkish nationalist movements, and the like.

20世纪末，伊斯兰的特征开始在各类民族运动中显现。1979年，伊朗国王被由霍梅尼阿亚图拉领导的革命推翻。与此同时，苏联入侵阿富汗引发了一场反革命运动，其特点是阿富汗民族主义、地方伊斯兰教以及西方自由主义理想。本世纪后期，社会主义和苏联的解体使穆斯林世界的民族社会主义运动转向了民族民主运动。

Traits of Islam began to appear in the national movements towards the end of the twentieth century when the shah of Iran was toppled by a revolution led by Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979. During the same period, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan prompted a counterrevolution characterized by Afghan nationalism, local Islam, and Western liberal idealism. Later in the century, the collapse of socialism and the Soviet Union shifted the national socialist movements in the Muslim world to national democratic movements.

这一点的意思是，过去一百年间，伊斯兰文明并非推动穆斯林世界各种事件和社会行为的主要力量。主要的事件是由民族主义、社会主义所推动，而本世纪后期则由民主和自由主义推动。这些文明的混合，造就了整个穆斯林世界几乎每一种环境。其中既包括埃及和印度尼西亚等国的贫困环境，也包括卡塔尔和巴林等国的繁荣景象；既包括许多地区经济发展的停滞，也包括另一些地区政治的动荡与压迫。在这一时期所出现的各种状况上，伊斯兰教应负的责任几乎为零，微不足道。事实上，穆斯林世界许多地方长期存在的一些状况，恰恰包括对伊斯兰活动人士的迫害，以及将伊斯兰教强行逐出民众的实际生活。例如，土耳其至今仍禁止某些伊斯兰的公共宗教活动，如穆斯林妇女的着装规范。

The point here is that the Islamic civilization was not the main driver of events and societal behavior in the Muslim world for the past one hundred years. The main events were driven by nationalism, socialism, and later in the century by democracy and liberalism. A mixture of these civilizations created almost every environment in the entire Muslim world. This includes the environment of poverty in countries like Egypt and Indonesia or prosperity in countries like Qatar and Bahrain. It also includes lack of economic developments in many parts and political instability and oppression in other parts. The responsibility of Islam for the conditions which prevailed throughout this period of time is almost null and negligible. In fact, part of the conditions which persisted in many places in the Muslim world included the persecution of Islamic activists and forced ejection of Islam from the practical life of people. Turkey, for example, continues to ban some Islamic public practices like the Muslim women dress code.

在这一时期，伊斯兰作为一种文明和意识形态遭到排斥，穆斯林世界的一些地区因此滋生了好战与暴力的环境。这种好战情绪部分源自先前在占领、殖民或社会压迫条件下兴起的解放运动，并是其延续。例如，基地组织脱胎于阿富汗反苏圣战运动，而该运动在一定程度上得到了美国秘密行动的支持和资助。哈马斯诞生于巴勒斯坦人反抗以色列占领巴勒斯坦土地的起义之中，而这场起义又催生了多个巴勒斯坦民族解放运动。尽管这些好战组织表面上具有伊斯兰特征，但伊斯兰本身并未促成其中任何一个运动得以产生的环境。在大多数此类运动中，伊斯兰主要被用作招募工具，以及成员的精神动力来源。

During this period, which is characterized by an exclusion of Islam as a civilization and ideology, an environment of militancy and violence was created in some parts of the Muslim world. Part of this militancy was an outgrowth and continuation of previously created liberation movements under conditions of occupation, colonialism, or social repression. Al-Qaeda, for example, grew out of the womb of the Afghan anti-Soviet jihad movement, which was in part supported and funded by US covert operations. Hamas, in Palestine, was born in the midst of uprising against Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands, which had instigated the creation of several brands of Palestinian national liberation movements. Despite the apparent Islamic character of these militant movements, Islam did not contribute to the environment in which any of these movements was created. Islam was used in the majority of these movements as a recruiting vehicle and a source of inspiration for the members.

在伊斯兰成为主导力量之前，民族主义和爱国情怀激励着那些先前时期提供战士的群体。换言之，暴力、战争、镇压、恐怖主义、占领、贫困、经济匮乏和政治动荡的环境，在第三世界的大多数地区，包括穆斯林世界，普遍存在，而伊斯兰并不是这片土地图景的一部分。针对这些状况和环境，这些国家的民族采用了多种意识形态和政治纲领；当一种意识形态失败或失去动力时，另一种便随之登场。巴勒斯坦运动是这一现象的最佳例证：民族主义和爱国的动力逐渐被伊斯兰的动力所取代。在阿富汗，伊斯兰助长了阿富汗人的部落动机。这里的关键在于，伊斯兰作为一种意识形态，不应为过去一百年间发生的各种活动和运动承担责任，也不应因此受到褒扬或谴责。

Before Islam was drawn into the front, nationalism and sense of patriotism inspired the same crowd which supplied the fighters of the earlier periods. In other words, the environments of violence, war, repression, terrorism, occupation, poverty, economic deprivation, and political instability were predominant throughout the majority of the third world including the Muslim world, without Islam being part of the mosaic of the land. In response to these conditions and environments, the nations of these lands used many ideologies and political agendas; when an ideology fails or runs out of energy, another one comes into play. The Palestinian movements provide the best example of this phenomenon, where the nationalistic and patriotic drivers were slowly replaced by Islamic ones. In Afghanistan, Islam helped fuel the tribal motives of the Afghan people. The point here is that Islam as an ideology is not the one to blame or praise, to commend or to condemn for whatever activities and movements which culminated in the last one hundred years.

当伊斯兰统治、伊斯兰文明在伊斯兰各地居于主导地位时,历史学家很容易把许多事件、社会状况和环境归因于伊斯兰。即便在十字军东征期间伊斯兰国家最为衰弱之时,这一点依然成立,因为伊斯兰仍然是这片土地的法律基础。毫无争议的是,在伊斯兰占主导的时期,直到十九世纪末其衰落为止,伊斯兰决定了局势的起伏、希望或绝望、稳定或混乱、经济的兴衰、暴力或和平、科学的进步或停滞。巴格达或撒马尔罕的发明,安达卢西亚或伊斯坦布尔的建筑,亚历山大或巴格达的图书馆,无疑都是伊斯兰文明的成果。如今,有成千上万的穆斯林革新者、科学家、作家和学者。但事实是,任何这一领域的观察者都会承认,这些杰出的人并不是伊斯兰文明的产物,尽管他们中许多人是虔诚的穆斯林。毫无疑问,伊斯兰有助于塑造科学家和革新者的品格,并促进他们的产出;但造就他们发明和卓越能力的环境,是当代文明的产物,而当代文明又是民族主义、自由主义、社会主义、资本主义和民主的混合体。

When Islam ruled and the Islamic civilization was the main and dominant one in the lands of Islam, historians could easily attribute many events, conditions, and environments to Islam. This was true even when the Islamic state was at its weakest point during the crusade wars, because Islam continued to provide the law of the land. There is no dispute that during the period of Islamic dominance and until its decline at the end of the nineteenth century, Islam was responsible for the ups and downs, the despair or hope, the stability or chaos, the economic progress or downturn, the violence or peace, the scientific advancement or the lack of it. The inventions made in Baghdad or Samarqand, the architecture in Andalusia or Istanbul, the libraries in Alexandria or Baghdad are undoubtedly the results of Islamic civilization. Today, there are thousands of Muslim innovators, scientists, writers, and scholars. But the truth of the matter, which is recognized by any observer in the field, is that these brilliant people are not the product of the Islamic civilization, despite the fact that many of them are devout Muslims. There is no question that Islam helps molding the personality of scientists and innovators and contributes to their productivity; but the environment, which created their ability to invent and excel, is a product of the contemporary civilizations, which in turn are mix of nationalism, liberalism, socialism, capitalism, and democracy.

本质上，一个穆斯林若在文学或科学领域获得诺贝尔奖，其成就是在非伊斯兰意识形态所建立的条件和制度下取得的。既然伊斯兰并不主导这片土地的法律，也不是这片土地文明的缔造者，那么把这些成就归于伊斯兰就是不公平的。在由非伊斯兰法律统治的社会中，穆斯林的杰出成就根本不是伊斯兰的产物。同理，一个穆斯林在人群密集的市场引爆炸弹，或在飞机上携带炸弹，也不是伊斯兰的产物。两者都是其所成长的社会中占主导地位的法律、规章、制度和文明的产物——无论是科学家还是恐怖分子，皆是如此。

In essence, a Muslim who wins a Noble Prize in literature or science achieves this performance under the conditions and systems created by ideologies other than Islam. And it is not fair to attribute such achievements to Islam when Islam is not the driver of the laws of land or the maker of the civilization of the land. In societies ruled by non-Islamic laws, Muslim achievers are simply not the product of Islam. By the same token, a Muslim who blows up a market full of people or carries a bomb on an airplane is not a product of Islam either. Both are the products of the laws, regulations, systems, and civilizations which dominate the societies in which both brands—scientists or terrorists—grow.

在土地上的法律与制度尚未以伊斯兰为根源,尚未以伊斯兰作为文明和社会行为的主要指引之前,将任何当代事件归咎于伊斯兰在意识形态上都是不正确的。与任何意识形态一样,伊斯兰的理论基础本身无法产生其预期的成果,除非它开始实践阶段,实施从这一基础中派生出的各项制度。这一原则既适用于伊斯兰的经济,也适用于其政治。在伊斯兰首次兴起的最初十三年里,人们广泛讨论了社会行为的诸多方面,包括贫困、正义、道德、财富分配、战争、和平、家庭纽带等等。伊斯兰并未为生活中践行这些问题的人们的行为承担责任,尽管一些穆斯林也参与了其中的某些行为。例如,那个时代居住在麦加的一些穆斯林仍然参与放高利贷的行为,而伊斯兰是谴责这种行为的。

Until and unless Islam becomes the source of laws and systems in the land, and becomes the main guide for the civilization and the societal behavior, it will be ideologically incorrect to attribute any of the contemporary events to Islam. As any ideology, the theoretical foundation of Islam alone cannot produce its expected outcome unless it begins the practical period by implementing the systems that emanate from this foundation. This principle applies to the economics of Islam as well as to its politics. During the first thirteen years of the first rise of Islam, there was an extensive discussion on many aspects of the societal behavior and issues such as poverty, justice, morals, wealth distribution, war, peace, family ties, and much more. And Islam did not take the responsibility over the actions of people living and practicing any of these issues, although some of the Muslims were part of these actions. For example, some Muslims living in Mecca during that era continued to be part of the usury practices, which were condemned by Islam.

即使在麦地那建立了伊斯兰国家之后，伊斯兰社会与国家也并未对仍生活在伊斯兰社会与国家管辖范围之外的穆斯林承担责任。了解这一点很重要，因为伊斯兰一旦承担起对某一事务的责任，就必须拥有完全的权力，去影响该事务的结果以及所有与之相关的因素。先知穆罕默德ﷺ与麦加的古莱什部落签订和约时，同意遣返任何未经古莱什同意而迁入伊斯兰国家的穆斯林。据伊本·希沙姆所编纂的《先知传》（第160页）记载，一名穆斯林逃离麦加，奔往麦地那，寻求伊斯兰国家的庇护；但先知ﷺ应古莱什的要求，强迫此人返回麦加。此人再次逃走，并开始对古莱什发动武装袭击，先知ﷺ便与其行为划清界限，拒绝向他提供任何形式的支持。

Even after the creation of the Islamic state in Medina, the Islamic society and state did not assume responsibility for Muslims who continued to live outside the scope of the Islamic society and the state. This is important to know, because Islam, when it assumes the responsibility over an issue, it must have the complete authority to impact the outcome of that issue as well as all the parameters that contribute to it. When Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) conducted a peace treaty with the Quraish tribe of Mecca, he agreed to expel any Muslim who migrates to the Islamic state against the will of Quraish. It is narrated in the biography of Mohammad, as compiled by Ibn Hisham,160 that a Muslim fled Mecca and ran into Medina seeking the protection of the Islamic state; but the Prophet forced that man to return to Mecca based on the request of Quraish. When that man fled again and began to carry militant assaults against Quraish, the Prophet (PBUH) distanced himself from his actions and refused to provide him with any type of support.

与此同时，先知作为国家领袖，以完全负责的态度处理其国家与其他国家之间的关系。无论在和平还是战争时期，其国家与世界其他地区之间的行为准则都界定得十分清楚。伊斯兰为这些行为准则提供了完整而全面的规范。但这些准则是在国家层面执行的，而不是在个人或团体层面。行为的责任是集中且明确界定的。伊斯兰国家或伊斯兰体制不承担国家范围之外的个人或团体行为的责任，也不承担其后果。我在此想要说明的是，要使伊斯兰对伊斯兰的行为或事件承担全部责任，它就必须掌控社会和国土的律法。一旦伊斯兰掌握了权力，国家的法律由伊斯兰来推动和管辖，并且由哈里发这一形式的中央领导来主持，那么我们才能将普遍的行为和作为归因于伊斯兰。而在伊斯兰尚未掌权、中央领导缺位的情况下，世界上许多穆斯林零星、断续而痉挛式的行为，将继续不在伊斯兰体制和意识形态的范围之内；每个人都将为自己的行为负责。

In the meantime, the Prophet as a leader of a state conducted the relations between his state and other states with complete responsibility. The rules of engagement between his state and the rest of the world were well defined, whether in peace or war. Islam provided a full and complete script for the rules of engagement. But these rules are carried out at a state level, and not at the levels of individuals or groups. The responsibility for the acts are centralized and well defined. The Islamic state or system does not assume the responsibility or bear the consequences over the acts of individuals or groups outside the scope of the state. The point I want to make here is that for Islam to be fully responsible for Islamic acts or events, it must be in control of the society and the rules of the lands. Once Islam is in control, and the laws of the land are driven and controlled by Islam, and a central leadership in the form of a caliph is in charge, then and only then we can attribute general behavior and actions to Islam. While Islam is not in power, and a central leadership is absent, the sporadic, fitful, and spasmodic acts of many Muslims in the world will continue to be outside the scope of the Islamic system and ideology; each individual will be responsible for his own acts.

除了先知穆罕默德(愿主赐福他,ﷺ)生命中的头十三年之外,纵观伊斯兰历史,这是穆斯林首次发现自己生活在并非由伊斯兰及其制度所统治的社会与国家之中。不同之处在于,在最初的十三年间,伊斯兰的各项制度尚未全部启示,伊斯兰国家也从未建立过。而如今,伊斯兰的各项制度已经编纂完备,可以在《古兰经》、圣训以及众多教法典籍的原典中找到;此外,逾十三个世纪的实际实践历史也人人可以查阅。然而从根本上说,这两个时代是相似的,因为伊斯兰国家和中央领导的存在对于伊斯兰的实施至关重要。伊斯兰的律法和规则已被编纂,并可在众多文献中查到,这并不意味着这些律法能够自行运作,也不意味着它们仅凭信奉者内心的信念便能发挥作用。律法和规则需要一个中央国家和治理机构来使其生效。同样地,经济、治理、社会生活和司法的各项制度,在社会中也不会自行运转;要使这些制度发挥作用并产生成果,就需要一个政治体系来建立这些制度、监督其运行,并保护它们免受腐败的侵蚀。

Aside from the first thirteen years of the life of Mohammad (PBUH), this is the first time, throughout the history of Islam, where Muslims find themselves living in societies and states which are not governed by Islam and its systems. The difference, though, is that during the first thirteen years’ period, the systems of Islam were not completely revealed and the Islamic state was never created before. This time around, the systems of Islam have already been compiled and can be found in original texts of the Quran, the Sunnah, and many books of jurisprudence; moreover, a history of more than thirteen centuries of real practice is readily available for all. Fundamentally, though, the two eras are similar, because the existence of the Islamic state and central leadership is essential for the implementation of Islam. The fact that the rules and laws of Islam are compiled and can be found in many sources does not mean that these laws perform on their own or by the power of conviction in the hearts of those who believe in these laws. Laws and rules need a central state and governance to activate them. By the same token, the systems of economy, governance, social life, and jurisprudence do not run on their own in a society; in order for these systems to be active and produce their results, they require a political system to install these systems, monitor their performance, and protect them from corruption.

这里的关键在于：人们对伊斯兰教实施可能带来的担忧并不符合现实。这种担忧源于一种错误的认识，即认为伊斯兰教在人们习惯于归咎于伊斯兰教的那些行为背后起着推动作用。这种担忧确实存在，但它并没有真实的根据。它建立在这样一个前提之上：伊斯兰的意识形态是世界事务中的积极参与者，包括那些极端性质的事务。事实上，在过去一百年里塑造世界事务与政治的各种意识形态之中，伊斯兰教并不在其内。相反，伊斯兰教一直在崛起，并且在许多情况下是以极大的艰难，向当前的意识形态格局发起挑战。因此，伊斯兰教应当被视为一种谋求在世界事务中立足的意识形态来加以审视和考察。这种审视的基础应当是伊斯兰教的理论根基，以及伊斯兰教在实践中的历史。

The point here is that the fear that some people may have regarding the implementation of Islam is not realistic. This fear is created out of the false perception that Islam stands behind the actions that people have been accustomed to attribute to Islam. This fear is real, but it is not founded on real grounds. It is based on the premise that the Islamic ideology is an active participant in the affairs prevailing in the world including those of extreme nature. The truth of the matter is that Islam has not been part of the mix of ideologies, which have shaped the world affairs and politics for the last one hundred years. On the contrary, Islam has been rising, and in many cases with great difficulty, to challenge the current ideological mix. Consequently, Islam should be viewed and scrutinized from the perspective of an ideology seeking a foothold in the world affairs. The basis of this scrutiny should be the theoretical foundation of Islam and the history of Islam in action.

任何意识形态的有效性,首先都应在理论层面加以检验。如果该意识形态已经实行了足够长的时间,那么还应在实践层面加以检验。伊斯兰教的理论是完整的,已经被整理成书,见于众多典籍之中,因此可以被核实和检验。伊斯兰教也已付诸实施,其实践历史超过一千三百年(比任何其他单一意识形态都长)。因此,伊斯兰教的实际实施同样可以被检验和核实。

The validity of any ideology should be first tested at the level of its theory. If the ideology had been practiced for a sufficient period of time, then it should also be tested at the implementation level. The theory of Islam is complete and had been compiled and can be found in numerous sources; therefore, it can be verified and tested. Islam also had been implemented and has a history of implementation over thirteen hundred years (more than any other single ideology). Therefore, the practical implementation of Islam can also be tested and verified.